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The EU in 2025: A union at the crossroads of chaos

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The EU in 2025: A union at the crossroads of chaos

The year is 2025. Europe’s grand experiment is not looking so grand anymore. From a distance, the EU might still appear as an elegant behemoth, a diplomatic colossus striding across the global stage with its ideals of peace, unity, and prosperity. But closer inspection reveals a different picture.

The European reality is one of a sprawling bureaucracy held together by a series of tenuous compromises, lurching from one crisis to another. Despite the grand rhetoric, it seems Europe’s main goal has become to avoid falling apart long enough to issue another press release.

Let’s not kid ourselves. The EU in 2025 will be a union at the crossroads. And the road ahead? Well, it may be looking rather unpredictable overall, but there are some key challenges that can surely be expected.

 

The economic split: A union divided

First, the economic divide. The EU has always been a bit of a patchwork quilt: Rich and poor, strong and weak, unity and division, all stitched together with the hope that some magical formula of integration would make it work.

In theory, a single market should mean shared prosperity for all. In practice, it is more like a massive cocktail party where the northern guests are sipping champagne while the southern ones are desperately trying to find the last canapé.

Northern Europe has weathered the storm that the Ukraine war resulted in fairly well, thanks to robust economies and prudent fiscal policies. Meanwhile, several countries in southern and eastern Europe are still figuring out how to make ends meet, with debt levels so high they would make even the most seasoned financier break into a cold sweat.

As for the EU’s economic policies, they have been about as consistent as the weather in London — frequently shifting, rarely reliable. The European Central Bank’s cheap money policy has served as a crutch for many, but with inflation on the rise and the possibility of tighter monetary policies, the cracks are beginning to show.

By 2025, the European project will face a very uncomfortable truth: The gap between the rich and poor is widening, and the “solidarity” on which the EU is built is starting to look more like a fairy tale. The economic stability of the union will come under intense pressure as countries will have to choose between solidarity and survival.

Geopolitics: Europe’s fumbling foreign policy

Next, the geopolitics. Ah, Europe’s place on the world stage. Once the proud leader of a rules-based international order, the EU now seems content to watch as global power dynamics shift away from its borders. Russia’s war on Ukraine is a reminder that the EU’s foreign policy is at best an afterthought of US initiatives, and at worst an exercise in diplomatic irrelevance.

By 2025, Europe should be well aware that its reliance on the United States for security and strategic direction is only growing. The idea that the EU could somehow lead a pan-European geopolitical effort on its own is starting to look laughable. A “European Army,” anyone? Sure. If by “army” you mean a few brigades of paperwork, a handful of defence contractors, and a lot of hopeful speeches.

Then, of course, there is China, whose Belt and Road Initiative is expanding across Europe, turning European ports and infrastructure into Chinese assets. But the EU’s response to this is, predictably, a combination of hand-wringing and non-action. The continent’s economic dependence on authoritarian PRC, especially in sectors like technology and manufacturing, leaves Brussels caught in a geopolitical bind, while alternatives, like teaming up with India, are not sufficiently pursued.

Migration: A crisis that will not end

Now, the migration issue. It would be nice to say that the EU is beginning to learn its lesson, but that would be giving it too much credit. Its leaders like to speak about “managed migration” and “shared responsibility”, but as conflicts and instability push more people towards Europe, the Union will once again find itself under intense pressure. And, as Islamism in Europe is on the rise, pressing questions of identity are emerging too.

The problem? The EU’s own internal divisions, of course. Countries in the East, led by Hungary and — in part– Poland, will continue to close their doors, while Western European nations, like Germany and France, will struggle with their own public discontent over immigration. Meanwhile the overburdened South will be boiling towards a political tipping point.

The result? A patchwork of policies, none of which truly addresses the root causes of migration, leaving Europe at the mercy of global trends it cannot control. And if history has taught us anything, it’s that the EU’s strategy of kicking the can down the road doesn’t work in the long run.

In 2025, expect more friction, more finger-pointing, and more talks that lead nowhere. The union’s inability to adopt a cohesive migration policy, or simply to say “no” to an ongoing invasion, will continue to erode its credibility, both at home and abroad.

“Populism”: The elephant in the room

The rise of what the elites call populism is looming over Europe’s institutions. As economic inequality grows and the EU continues to fail in addressing the concerns of ordinary citizens, national-conservative movements will continue to gain traction.

From Hungary’s Viktor Orbán to Italy’s Right factions, European leaders who disdain Brussels’ technocratic rule are only gaining in popularity. In 2025, eurosceptic patriots will no longer be an “emerging threat”. They will be an established force, with political parties in many EU countries openly questioning the very legitimacy of the union.

The EU’s insistence on an “ever closer union” will seem increasingly out of touch with the realities on the ground. The problem is simple: the EU’s elite establishment cannot seem to understand that ordinary people want something that feels real, tangible and safe, not more regulations or grandiose projects that seem detached from everyday life.

Conclusion: The EU’s existential crisis

What does this all add up to? In 2025, the EU will stand at the threshold of a major reckoning. Internal divisions, economic inequality, and external threats will make the union’s survival a question of necessity rather than choice. Lofty ideals will clash with the harsh reality that Europe’s countries are deeply divided.

The EU has become a house of cards with the cracks widening every year. The key question for 2025 is whether it can finally face its existential crisis with the courage to reform, or whether it will limp along in some form or another, one disastrous summit at a time.

As things stand, the European Union will go into the New Year like an old train, chugging along, held together by sheer inertia and the hope that the next station will somehow be better. Will Europe rise to the occasion? Hard to say. But if history is any guide, it will probably be too busy issuing another vague communiqué to notice the whole thing is coming off the rails. 

Reference: By Konstantinos Bogdanos: Brussels Signal

Deep distrust of EU leaves Italy's Meloni in a corner over bailout fund

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Deep distrust of EU leaves Italy's Meloni in a corner over bailout fund

  • Italy dragging its feet on ESM reform approval
  • Euro scepticism still lurking in the coalition
  • Rome hopes for favourable deal on EU budget rules
ROME, June 29 (Reuters) - The reluctance of Italy's right-wing coalition to ratify reform of a vital euro zone bailout fund is rooted in a deep distrust of the European Union, analysts and lawmakers said, leaving Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni no easy way out of a political mess.
Italy is the only euro zone country that has not yet given a green light to a treaty that revises the European Stability Mechanism (ESM) - a fund created in 2012 after the euro zone sovereign debt crisis to provide a financial firewall for members of the currency bloc.
The proposed reform, which was agreed by euro zone governments including Italy in 2021, allows the ESM to play a bigger role in the rescue of failing banks and also reduces the risk of investors holding out in a sovereign debt restructuring.
Parties in Meloni's nationalist coalition, which came to power in 2022, argue it would make debt restructuring more likely and consequently raise debt servicing costs, despite the fact the Treasury itself released a report this month saying Italy could benefit from the reform.
Opposition parties are clamouring for a vote in parliament, but Meloni said on Wednesday that was not about to happen and linked the debate to ongoing discussions on a broader reform of European budget rules.
"Italy's interest is addressing negotiations on European governance, which covers the entirety of our national interests," she told parliament. "This is not the time to ratify the ESM."
Meloni and her main coalition ally Matteo Salvini have adopted a tough euro-sceptic line over the past 15 years, and although they have since moderated their position they are not yet ready to lower their guard entirely and embrace Brussels.
"There are sections of the coalition, which also include some high-ranking civil servants, who hate it when they feel that Brussels is dictating conditions," said Francesco Galietti, founder of political risk consultancy Policy Sonar.
"Meloni does not want to leave the anti-ESM front to Salvini and nobody wants to lose face," he told Reuters.
 

"PUSSYFOOTING"

Although the ESM is already operational, it cannot support the Single Resolution Fund responsible for dealing with ailing banks without Rome signing up to the pact, and frustrations are growing over its failure to act.
"The ESM Treaty is central to our efforts and we will continue our engagement with Italy on this matter," Paschal Donohoe, chairman of the euro zone finance ministers grouping, wrote in a letter on Tuesday to the president of the European Council.
Despite irritation in Brussels over the dithering in Rome, EU officials have told Reuters that any attempt by Meloni to link ESM approval to much more significant budget reform will not pay off.
 
Francesco Saraceno, economics professor at Rome's Luiss University and at Sciences Po Paris, said the government was wasting valuable time over the ESM, while Brussels was redrawing budget rules and looking to complete a common banking market.
"The government is pussyfooting around the ESM, which is a very, very small piece in a much larger problem that has to do with overall European economic governance," he said.
The European Commission proposed in April that governments should ensure their public debt falls by an individually negotiated amount over four to seven years and stay on a downward path for a decade afterwards.
Italy, which has the second largest debt mountain in relation to its GDP in the euro zone after Greece, has criticised the suggestion. But once again, the Treasury has undercut Meloni's position, foreseeing no major hurdles in adapting to the new recommended framework.
 
 
In budget targets unveiled in April, the Treasury estimated that an additional adjustment of the structural primary balance -- excluding one-off items and business cycle swings -- of 0.45 percentage points each year between 2027 and 2031 would be enough to meet the new criteria.
Italian officials told Reuters such an effort would be well within Rome's reach.
"It is the typical Italian circus," a leading politician in Meloni's party told Reuters about the ESM issue, asking not to be named.  
 
Reference: By Angelo Amante and Giuseppe Fonte: 

Idi Amin president of Uganda

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Idi Amin

president of Uganda
 
 
Idi Amin (born 1924/25, Koboko, Uganda—died August 16, 2003, Jiddah, Saudi Arabia) was a military officer and president (1971–79) of Uganda whose regime was noted for the sheer scale of its brutality.

A member of the small Kakwa ethnic group of northwestern Uganda, Amin had little formal education and joined the King’s African Rifles of the British colonial army in 1946 as an assistant cook. (Although he claimed to have fought in Burma [Myanmar] during World War II [1939–45], his military records show that his service began in 1946.) He quickly rose through the ranks, and he served in the British action against the Mau Mau revolt in Kenya (1952–56).

 

Amin was one of the few Ugandan soldiers elevated to officer rank before Ugandan independence in 1962, and he became closely associated with the new nation’s prime minister and president, Milton Obote. He was made chief of the army and air force (1966–70). Conflict with Obote arose, however, and on January 25, 1971, Amin staged a successful military coup. He became president and chief of the armed forces in 1971, field marshal in 1975, and life president in 1976.

Amin ruled directly, shunning the delegation of power. He was noted for his abrupt changes of mood, from buffoonery to shrewdness, from gentleness to tyranny. He was often extreme in his nationalism. He expelled all Asians from Uganda in 1972, an action that led to the breakdown of Uganda’s economy, and he publicly insulted Great Britain and the United States as well as numerous world leaders.

A Muslim, he reversed Uganda’s amicable relations with Israel and befriended Libya and the Palestinians; in July 1976 he was personally involved in the hijacking of a French airliner to Entebbe (see Entebbe raid). He also took tribalism, a long-standing problem in Uganda, to its extreme by allegedly ordering the persecution of Acholi, Lango, and other ethnic groups. Amin came to be known as the “Butcher of Uganda” for his brutality, and it is believed that some 300,000 people were killed and countless others tortured during his presidency.

In October 1978 Amin ordered an attack on Tanzania. Aided by Ugandan nationalists, Tanzanian troops eventually overpowered the Ugandan army. As the Tanzanian-led forces neared Kampala, Uganda’s capital, on April 11, 1979, Amin fled the country; he was succeeded as president by Yusufu Lule two days later. After escaping first to Libya, Amin finally settled in Saudi Arabia.

 

Reference: Britannica: Also known as: Butcher of Uganda, Idi Amin Dada Oumee:Written by :Last Updated:  

Regime crisis in France: Bayrou falls, now Macron must go!

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Regime crisis in France: Bayrou falls, now Macron must go!

The ‘Bloquons tout’ mass movement precipitated the fall of French PM François Bayrou with its call to block everything on the 10th September.

On the 8th of September, Bayrou raised the question of confidence at the National Assembly, i.e. two days before ‘Bloquons tout’ had even gone into action.

As soon as Bayrou presented the 2026 intensified austerity budget in July, the ‘Bloquons tout’ mass movement erupted on social media. Over the summer, it gained incredible momentum.

Bayrou called for a parliamentary vote of confidence. He was defeated by 364 to 194. The defeat was a first stunning victory for a movement that had not even started, a movement which expresses the anger of the French people who, in its vast majority (87%), rejects Bayrou’s austerity budget.

The 10th September ‘Bloquons tout’ movement was a success with about half a million joining a broad range of actions, demonstrations, pickets and blockages all over France. ‘Bloquons tout’ has also planned to carry on.

The 2026 budget and the so-called French ‘debt’

On the 15th July, the prime minister Bayrou announced the 2026 budget of €43.8bn of austerity. He recalled that France’s debt was €3300bn. He drew a catastrophic picture, saying, “Every second the debt of France increases by 5000 euros… France has become the country in the world that spends the most public money.”

Among the measures announced by Bayrou that really shocked people were the abolition of two bank holidays, a so-called ‘blank year’, i.e. a freeze on social security, pension scales, and limiting the access to the health system of thirteen million patients with long-term conditions.

To justify these €44bn cuts, Bayrou claimed France was near chaos due to debt, and they would have to resort to the IMF i.e. a disaster scenario in which the IMF was on the verge of taking control of the French economy.

In reality, France’s Budget deficit is not out of control and an IMF bailout is not needed. Supporters of austerity in France are engaged in scaremongering.

The mobilisations of ‘Bloquons tout’.

Bayrou’s blackmail about the debt did not convince people that they should once again submit to more austerity. They have had enough. In the eight years of the Macron presidency the economic, social and ecological degradation have peaked. Inflation has drastically reduced living standards. Many workers have lost their jobs. Poverty has drastically increased [1.2 million more people since 2017], and now 15.4% of people live under the poverty line. In addition, 350,000 people are homeless, with 2000 children, including newborn babies living on the streets. Public services have been under constant attack. All this while the wealthiest not only saw their taxes diminished or erased: they also received financial help from the state.

Even if the Macronists chose Bayrou’s fall to curb and disarm the growing mobilisation for the 10th of September, they failed.

When Bayrou announced his budget, a movement of angry citizens, on the model of the Gilets Jaunes started to organise through the social networks. Through the whole summer, it spread and grew, with an unprecedented level of self-organisation. Telegram groups were set up on a regional basis, but people soon realised they needed to meet physically in big general meetings to prevent the far right from joining in. The meetings established an antiracist prerequisite for joining, and by meeting in person it was easier to identify who was who. Activists were also very aware that some information could not be given in the telegram groups.

The aim of the movement is to block the economy. Strikes are one method, but some can’t afford to. But everybody can do something. ‘Bloquons tout’ envisages a long-term movement which does not stop after days of action. The proposals were to organise pickets, strikes or blockages, for example, not spending money on September 10th, not using bank cards, blocking roads and lorries for merchandise, transportation or logistics like Amazon. And for others to organise support for activists, eg free meals.

‘Bloquons tout’ is a movement from the bottom, which, unlike the Gilets Jaunes, is open to everybody, including political or social activists and trade unionists who help with their experience, as long as they don’t take over the leadership.

Many lessons have been drawn from previous mass mobilisations, such as les Gilets Jaunes and also the 2023 movement against the raising of the state pension to age sixty-four. Despite those huge mobilisations, Macron is still there.

Another lesson is the experience of the high level of state repression. With the Gilets Jaunes the police shot plastic bullets that resulted in forty yellow vests losing an eye, six losing one hand and many other serious injuries. Therefore, ‘Bloquons tout’ has been preparing for legal teams to help with the predictable custodies, and aid from paramedics in response to police violence.

Contrary to the government and the media predictions that the 10th of September would be a flop, it was a real success. Nearly 500,000 participated, while the government had estimated only 100,000. There were 849 actions – 596 were rallies and 253 were blockages. The university student protests were 80,000 strong and 150 high schools were blocked. On the evening of the 10th general meetings were held all over France (including 5000 in Paris and 2000 in Lyon) They decided to carry on the movement through different actions and new blockages.

The media and the government predicted ultra-left violence from ‘Bloquons tout’. The latter deployed 80,000 police officers. But on the contrary, it was a very peaceful mobilisation. The only violence came from the police who attacked the demonstrators and the pickets, and arrested many youths.

Some trade unions joined the call of ‘Bloquons tout’ on the 10th September, as did the political left. In the end, the alliance of all trade unions decided to call for a day of strike action on the 18th September, prompted by this big mobilisation. Thursday the 18th is the second national day of action. Meanwhile, ‘Bloquons tout’ is organising and attempting to convince more people to join.

According to the communist newspaper l’Humanité, 74% of the population is in favour of strike action

Macron Must Go

After Bayrou’s fall, Macron immediately nominated a new PM, Sébastien Lecornu. It is interesting to notice how fast this went compared to the nomination of the last two PMs and it shows the degree to which the government is afraid. Not only will Lecornu pursue the same Macronist orientation, but as former minister of the military, he has carried on Macron’s line – first on the sale of military armaments to the genocidal regime of Israel and secondly Lecornu was at the meeting which agreed that European military budgets should reach 5% of the PIB (GDP) which means 195 billions euros, i.e a total submission to Trump’s rule.

Fundamentally, Lecornu is in the same unstable position as Bayrou and Barnier were, who both had to resign. Therefore, he is expected to fall, whether it takes weeks or months. Already two thirds of the population are saying he should leave.

Macron is responsible for the chaos in France. He is hanging on to power although he has lost legitimacy. In the 2017 presidential election, 33% voted for him in the first round, his support has now fallen to 15%.

Macron is also paving the way for the RN to take power. His Minister of the Interior, Bruno Retailleau [leader of Les Républicains, the conservative party], has the same rotten and racist rhetoric as the RN, and has been implementing many attacks on migrants. Throughout this year, Macron and Retailleau have not stopped giving assurances to the RN, although the president has always presented himself as the last bulwark against the RN in order to win elections. But it has become evident that Macron’s main enemy is rather LFI. Lecornu, the new PM, is also close to the RN, as is a growing part of the Les Républicains conservative party.

Dissolution of the National Assembly in July 2024: Macron’s big mistake

The degradation of the political situation started in July 2024 when Macron decided to dissolve the National Assembly after his disastrous 15% result in the European elections. The RN came first with 31%, and the left was divided. The RN’s support has grown with their racist rhetoric by presenting migrants as the cause of the economic crisis. Much of the LR’s electoral base has shrunk and is moving to the RN.

Macron undoubtedly thought the division of the left was the right moment to have a coalition government with some RN members in it.

Unfortunately for Macron his calculation went wrong. Under the impulse of La France Insoumise the left very quickly united under the banner of the New Popular Front NPF, and against the far right. Therefore, despite all polls i.e. 27, predicting they would lose, the NPF came first. This was a shock.

Macron decided to ignore the results of the vote and appointed Michel Barnier from the LR, the party which got the least votes at the elections, as PM.

Barnier proposed an austerity program of €40 billions cuts. LFI proposed instead a counter program to generate around €40 billions of new income for the state which was broadcast everywhere. Barnier in his budget had refused to abolish the law imposing pension age increase to 64 that 92% of the working population were opposed to and which had unleashed huge mobilisations. Consequently, the RN had no choice but to vote for the censor motion against him proposed by the left. Barnier fell. He was replaced by Bayrou.

The lesson Macron drew from this sequence was the absolute necessity to divide the NPF. Bayrou therefore attracted the Socialist party in a trap of so-called ‘negotiations’ in exchange for the promise not to censure the government anymore. In so doing the SP broke their commitment to the program of the NFP that allowed them to be elected as MPs in the previous election. It was the unity of the left in the NFP which rescued the SP from the disastrous position they were in after the 2022 presidential election. [LFI 22% – Greens 4,6% Communist Party 2,3% Socialist Party 1,7%]

LFI is adamant that what comes first is the program. The negotiations and little arrangements with Bayrou on an austerity plan are obviously in utter contradiction with the NFP program. Nevertheless, and despite six refusals to vote censorship against Bayrou each time he imposed his measures without a vote using Article 49.3 the SP had at last to face reality – Bayrou’s promises were just lies. After six months, the Socialist party eventually proposed a censor motion.

As regards the RN, which claims to be close to the people, they are more and more revealing their true nature as a prop of capital. They supported Bayrou in exchange for their racist agenda being promoted and implemented by Retailleau.

Thanks to the SP and RN who did not vote for six censor motions each time Bayrou used the 49.3 to impose his attacks on the population, the PM remained in office.

Consequently, six months were lost until ordinary people decided to fight back themselves.

Due to the undemocratic use of presidential decrees the struggle in parliament was unable to defeat Macron’s policy of austerity. Finally, July saw an upsurge of mass national opposition outside of parliament. The first development was a petition against the Duplomb law allowing the use of pesticides in agriculture received in about two weeks more than two million signatures. It was launched by a young female student and got the support of another woman who has cancer and shouted in the National Assembly ‘you are allies of cancer and we will make that known’. It was followed by the national ‘Bloquons tout’ movement erupting onto the national scene.

Crisis of the regime

The issue at stake is more than conjunctural. Indeed, Macron is desperately and stubbornly hanging on to power. But what is at stake is more institutional: the 5th Republic is not working anymore.

The 5th Republic was set up in 1958 when decolonisation was underway and in the midst of the Algerian War of Independence from French imperialism. De Gaulle used it to put an end to the parliamentary regime of the 4th Republic. Parliament could never establish a majority government making it impossible to get a united and stable government. As many MPs were in favour of independence for Algeria, there was an attempted coup led by far right army officers. They called on De Gaulle to come back to power. He agreed but asked for a new constitution. The latter reinforced the executive powers of the President, while a parliament still existed. It is thanks to the 1958 constitution that Macron and his government could endlessly bypass the National Assembly in recent years.

In one way, we are back to the 4th Republic: no political group has an absolute majority. And the 1958 Constitution by giving a predominant rôle to the president means that Macron can decide many things alone.

Macron has abused his constitutional rights as no president has done during the 5th Republic. He resorted more than forty times to the Article 49.3, bypassing parliament and imposing his policies by decree. Now the people are fed up and have started to move. As Melenchon said, Bayrou fell, and now it is Macron who is on the front line against the people.

What next?

The discontent in France is general and has been building up for years. Small measures like keeping the public holidays or that PMs will not have a chauffeur for life but only for 10 years won’t quench it!

This is a historical moment, as Mélenchon said. Two-thirds of the National Assembly voting against a PM is unprecedented in the 5th Republic and no dialogue with Macron, as the SP proposed, will work. The SP continues to be overwhelmed by an internal crisis after the Hollande presidency. The right wing of the party was reinforced thanks to the NPF that allowed them to have more MPs. But as Hollande said, the rôle of social democracy in a time of turmoil is to ensure stability. Concretely, it has meant betraying its commitment against austerity in the NPF and preventing Macron and his government from being overthrown. After Bayrou fell they hurriedly proposed to form a coalition cabinet, without LFI, with a plan of austerity of €22bn rather than the €44bn proposed by Bayrou. But Macron was not even interested.

LFI has repeatedly said, nothing will be improved by changing Prime Ministers – Macron is the problem. Only new presidential elections will break the deadlock.

As Jean-Luc Mélenchon recently explained, “We will not support any other government than our own. [The LFI]. We are not here to make a career, to be minister of this or that. Our goal is to decide what must be done: how do we develop the country? It is the program which matters. This is why we need a presidential election.” 

Reference:   By Najete Michell and Paul Tayor : 18th September 2025  

Anger at Starmer's 'surrender deal' that hands Spain control over Gibraltar border

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Anger at Starmer's 'surrender deal' that hands Spain control over Gibraltar border

Sir Keir Starmer was accused last night of striking another ‘surrender’ deal after handing over control of Gibraltar’s border to the European Union.

The agreement means Britons travelling to the peninsula could be refused entry by Spanish guards enforcing the EU rules – despite it being a British Overseas Territory.

The arrangement was made to enable the border to fully re-open between Gibraltar and Spain, which is crossed by thousands daily living either side to get to work or visit friends and family.

Britons travelling to the territory at present face an initial passport check carried out by Gibraltar officials but they would face a second check carried out by Spanish border officials on behalf of the EU.

It means Britons could be rejected if they do not meet strict Schengen Area rules.

For instance, post-Brexit Britons cannot stay in the EU for longer than 90 days within any 180-day period without a visa.

It raises the prospect of UK travellers needing to obtain an EU visa to visit a British territory if they have exceeded their 90-day allowance, or they face being refused entry at the border.

A specific post-Brexit agreement, covering the territory and to keep the Spain-Gibraltar border open, was needed because, at Madrid’s insistence, it was not part of the wider EU-UK trade pact struck after Brexit. It was also not included in Sir Keir’s ‘reset’ deal unveiled last month.

Pedestrians and drivers cross the border from Spain to Gibraltar, in front of the Rock of Gibraltar, in La Linea de la Concepcion, southern Spain, June 4, 2024

Foreign Secretary David Lammy and chief minister of Gibraltar Fabian Picardo agreed the new deal in principle in Brussels yesterday.

But Brexiteers warned that the Falklands could be next following Sir Keir’s controversial Chagos Islands ‘surrender’ deal.

 

Tory Armed Forces spokesman Mark Francois said: ‘First Chagos and now Gibraltar – and then probably the Falklands, too. This Europhile, human-rights obsessed Government can no longer be trusted to robustly defend any of our overseas interests, as this further needless concession to Spain shows.

‘Labour used to sing The Red Flag – now they just wave a big white one instead.’

David Jones, former Brexit minister, said: ‘There is no reason why British people visiting their own territory should be providing passports to foreign entities. This is contrary to Britain having sovereignty over Gibraltar.

‘The Spanish have wanted to get their hands on Gibraltar ever since the Treaty of Utrecht [which handed Britain sovereignty in 1713] – it’s a vitally important asset to us.

‘It has thousands of our citizens living there and people visiting their own territory should not have to present passports to foreign officials.’ Former home secretary Suella Braverman said: ‘Another surrender and a hand-over in all but name. It is unforgivable. The Falklands will be next.Sir Keir Starmer was accused last night of striking another ‘surrender’ deal after handing over control of Gibraltar’s border to the European Union 

However, Government sources insisted ‘nothing will compromise the way the Armed Forces operate’ at the strategically important RAF Gibraltar military base next to Gibraltar Airport.

They insisted residents of the Rock will not be affected by the changes. As well as re-opening the Spain-Gibraltar border for people, the deal also removes goods controls, allowing for them to be traded more smoothly.

Mr Lammy said: ‘This government inherited a situation from the last government which put Gibraltar’s economy and way of life under threat. Today’s breakthrough delivers a practical solution after years of uncertainty.’

Downing Street said Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sanchez had, in a phone call, congratulated Sir Keir over the Gibraltar deal, claiming ‘his government had succeeded where others had failed’. 

Story by David Churchill Chief Political Correspondent: Daily Mail •

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